Conspiracy inflation decreases conspiracy net worth…
The president of the Malian transition has made one-upmanship with the international community his favorite hobbyhorse. It is a negotiation technique that consists of brandishing the absurd to get your interlocutor to renounce demands based on the rule of law. Thus, vis-à-vis the United Nations mission in Mali, MINUSMA, which intervenes in Mali on the basis of a UN resolution negotiated by his country, the strong man of Kati obtained, at least on paper, that henceforth each take-off of an aircraft is signaled beforehand.
To neutralize ECOWAS, bent on a timetable for the return of power to civilians within two years, Bamako had 49 Ivorian soldiers arrested as part of an ongoing mission since July 2019. It took three years and 8 rotations of Ivorian soldiers so that the junta suddenly realizes that these were coup attempts. What a feat on the part of Malian military intelligence!
Incidentally, in the meantime, Colonel Assimi Goïta has achieved the unique feat of perpetrating two coups, in August 2020 and March 2021, nine months apart. Meanwhile, in November 2020, he will accuse a former secretary general of the presidency of an attempted coup. Same accusation brought a month later, in December 2020, against former Prime Minister Boubou Cissé and a radio host, Ras Bath, exonerated by the courts. The former Prime Minister is the subject of an international arrest warrant alongside certain prominent Malian figures such as Igor Diarra, former Minister of Economy and Finance, all of whom are now in “preventive” exile.
As for the another former Prime Minister, Soumeylou Boubèye Maïga, who died in detention, he is the symbol that, in present-day Mali, one must above all not be suspected of political ambitions by a junta which maintains the plebs through permanent agitation conspiracies and the search for scapegoats.
Another headlong rush by President Goïta, a miraculous survivor of a famous assassination attempt in a mosque, the accusation against France of dropping weapons on terrorists just after the heavy toll of the Tessit attack August 7, when 42 Malian soldiers fell under the bullets. “The clandestine and uncoordinated overflight operations recorded by the FAMa on August 7 and 8, 2022 confirm the thesis that the terrorists benefited from major support and external expertise”, reports the army in relative opacity and without add this detail that would change the whole narrative: the fact, the proof.
The accusation brings together to be mistaken for a big operation of communication and absolution to which the Malians now only ask for evidence to be convinced. Evidence probably intended for the Security Council convened urgently.
Disturbingly, today Assimi Goïta is negotiating with the former “terrorists” on the basis of quotas allowing their civilian and military wings to occupy positions in the army and the administration. This was exactly the IBK fire project overthrown by soldiers who then promised to go to the front to restore territorial integrity. More than two years later, Kati’s officers are closer to Koulouba than to Kidal. Intransigent against Côte d’Ivoire, where 5 million Malians live, but ready to negotiate with those who have borne arms against the republic and who, even recently, paid a bloody visit to the Kati camp 15 km from Bamako, the Malian regime surfs on the fake popularity of social networks. An ephemeral gain because it does not touch on fundamental issues: the rebuilding of the nation, the overhaul of the army which is not limited to the acquisition of aircraft and the fight against inflation and unemployment.
By remaining headwind against former Prime Minister Boubou Cissé but white flag towards Iyad Ag Ghal and his acolytes, Assimi Goïta shows that in the shifting sands of the Sahel, contradiction is not fatal. Certainly, a little water in his Mali-Côte d’Ivoire: Assimi Goïta invited to put water in his djamankoudji would not hurt the most popular of colonels on social networks.
